Slovenia’s democracy under siege: An urgent update
Following the March 2026 elections, Slovenia's newly appointed right-wing coalition government – led by Janez Janša in his fourth term – has launched an aggressive crackdown on independent civil society. Janša’s return follows a turbulent campaign marred by the Black Cube scandal involving an Israeli intelligence firm. Now, his administration is moving fast to radicalise politics, using tactics that also threaten broader EU democratic standards. This poses danger to civil society, fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens, and will also have a significant impact on the protection of digital rights in Slovenia.
What is going on in Slovenia?
In May 2026, the Slovenian parliament appointed a new right-wing coalition government, with Janez Janša returning as prime minister for a fourth term, despite his Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) having narrowly failed to win the March elections. Janša runs the politics of division, conspiracy theories and the capture of state institutions. He is now supported by three other coalition parties and an opposition party that votes in favour of all government proposals. This term has also brought renewed pressure on civil society, trade unions, critical individuals, independent institutions, and the media with regular slander campaigns, legislative changes that endanger financing for unions and national TV, threats to cut funds to civil society, and an overwhelming amount of issues that need reactions. As experience from previous Janša’s mandates shows, this poses a risk to democratic values and standards, with the politics this time around becoming even more radical, ideological, unstable, and divisive, and with potentially having a significant negative impact on EU politics as well.
Janša’s appointment comes after a turbulent pre-election campaign that was marred by the Black Cube scandal. The investigation, conducted by civil society, among them EDRi member Danes je nov dan (DJND), and independent media, uncovered alleged foreign interference in the elections, involving the Israeli private intelligence firm Black Cube and its links to Janša. The firm helped to leak recordings designed to undermine the previous center-left government by linking it to corruption and damaging their election results. At the time of writing, the police are still investigating the scandal.
With the right-wing parties constantly attacking civil society and interfering from abroad in the election campaign, the threat to democracy was already high. The situation only escalated after the elections.
Why is this relevant?
The right-wing coalition has launched an aggressive crackdown on independent civil society and democratic standards. DJND is at the center of these unprecedented attacks, which have crossed the line of legitimate political critique and are now a deliberate, coordinated campaign to silence critical voices.
Over the past two months, the new regime has rapidly deployed an authoritarian playbook through several alarming actions.
The coalition is bypassing democratic oversight by fast-tracking important laws through expedited procedures, omnibus legislation, and without expert and public debate, excluding citizens and reducing scrutiny. Under the guise of improving the economy, the coalition passed an Act on Intervention Measures. The Act intervenes in several legal areas that are not directly related, e.g. taxes, pensions and health, and introduces extensive changes using an omnibus legislative technique. The regular legislative procedure was expedited through the convening of urgent parliamentary sessions and the exclusion of participation of civil society and experts. The Act was passed, but this sparked a stormy reaction from the unions and civil society who called for a referendum. However, the National Assembly voted to make a referendum on this law inadmissible because the proposal also includes some provisions that regulate taxes, one of four legal areas on which a referendum cannot be called.
Another illiberal maneuver was the amendment of the Act on Parliamentary Inquiry, which reduced legal protections of those under investigations and raised serious constitutional concerns. Committees will be able to obtain information related to bank accounts, private communications, and telephone contacts, as well as audio and video recordings and documentation held by law enforcement and other investigative bodies without a court order. Those who are being investigated would lose the right to appeal to the Constitutional Court against unjustified political persecution. This effectively turns the Act into a political police weaponised to intimidate critical voices. Civil society is pushing back against these changes by calling for yet another referendum.
On top of the obstacles to their work, civil society has been exposed also to more direct attacks. MP Katja Kokot of the Resnica party filed a criminal complaint against a DJND’s staff member for alleged incitement to hatred, violence and intolerance against her. This came after he presented a statement at a press conference, raising concerns about the Act on Intervention Measures and a referendum ban, naming the MPs that will most likely vote for it. In the statement he appealed to the public, especially Resnica voters, not only to pay attention to how MPs will vote, but also to start pressuring them not to omit the right to a referendum. He was simply exercising his constitutional right to freedom of speech and political criticism, which the MP weaponised to try to intimidate and silence him, DJND, and broader civil society.
The coalition parties were already staunch opponents of critical civil society, with disinformation campaigns and slander on social media and in right-wing media outlets were a commonplace during the previous mandate and election campaign. Now, they have openly announced plans to cut funding for NGOs from the NGO Development Fund, making it clear that these threats are particularly focused on slashing the income of CSOs that defend democratic values, political activists, and other organisations that the right deems useless and regularly accuses of “leeching off public funds”.
The chilling effect: A warning for Europe
These tactics are designed to inflict reputational damage, drain resources, and create a chilling effect to intimidate the wider Slovenian civil society into submission. We have seen this script played out in other countries before. Hungary, for instance, serves as a warning that autocrats cannot be ignored, while Slovakia is a dangerous indicator of how quickly and extremely things can take a turn for the worse.
Janša’s previous governments demonstrated a lack of protection for fundamental and digital rights. For example, the Slovenian Presidency of the Council of the European Union under Janša removed AI systems used for national security from the scope of the AI Act. The presidency was somewhat eclipsed by concerns raised by the EU’s central institutions regarding the state of the rule of law in Slovenia.
In 2021, Janša was at the forefront of international attention. At the time, the European Parliament passed a resolution expressing “deep concern about the level of public discourse, the atmosphere of hostility, mistrust, and significant polarisation in the country,” while the European Commission issued warnings regarding the Slovenian government’s treatment of the media and its refusal to appoint European assigned prosecutors, emphasising the significance of ensuring the Slovenian Press Agency’s budget and independence. Additionally, Janša’s tweets frequently sparked controversy, for example when routinely attacking critical journalists or attempting to discredit the leader of a European Parliament delegation assessing the rule of law in Slovenia.
Janša’s close ties to illiberal leaders like Orbán and Fico, his admiration of Trump, and his strong pro-Israeli stance could mean that he and his government could become another disruptive member of the EU, aligned with Europe’s illiberal camp. His nationalist agenda is expected to clash with some European policies, particularly measures on climate protection, LGBTQI+, women and migrants’ rights, and democratic standards.
So, what now?
As the government coalition solidifies its power and intensifies its ideological warfare, DJND anticipates even harsher measures. Janša’s close ties to Israel could mean spyware technologies will be used, while the previously blocked amendments to the Slovene Intelligence and Security Agency Act that expand surveillance, legalise the use of spyware, and open the door to serious intrusions into privacy and other fundamental rights will most likely pass.
As their ability to influence national policymakers will be completely blocked, DJND is planning to use different tactics to continue its work defending fundamental rights and freedoms. These include advocating for responsible use of digital technologies and data justice directly to users, strengthening political participation and inclusion in decision-making processes by organising referendums and activating citizens, monitoring the government’s work and reporting to institutions and international partners, and building coalitions.
Contribution by: EDRi member, Danes je nov dan
